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Justifications for Violent Conflict

Introducing the Topic

Introduction to Justifications for Violent Conflict

To explore the justification of conflict, we will consider when it's acceptable to enter a conflict and how to behave during it. The 'Just War' theory is central, proposing criteria for morally justifying war and ethical conduct within it. This theory distinguishes between the reasons to start a war (jus ad bellum) and how to conduct war ethically (jus in bello). We'll consider criteria like just cause, legitimate authority, and just intentions for starting a war, as well as principles like distinction and proportionality for conduct during war. Additionally, we'll discuss criticisms of the theory and explore justifications rooted in religion and culture. 

Prescribed TopicPrescribed Content
Contested meaningsConflict, including latent and overt
Debates on peace and conflict
  • Justifications of violence in conflict, including cultural, legal and religious justifications
  • Legitimacy of non-violent and violent protests
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Recent articles that may support student thinking around the content on this page: 

Name of resource: How war stopped working

Type of resource: Newspaper

Source: The Financial Times

Subscription required? No (see the free FT for schools program)

Prescribed content links: P&C - Conflict dynamics; Causes of conflict; Types of conflict

Activiating

In groups, try to agree on what would be good reasons for a state or nonstate actor to enter into violent conflict. Consider if there is a good argument to be made that there is never a good reason. Be prepared to defend your positions to both prompts. 

Based on this initial conversation, watch Michael Walzer's explanation regarding "Just War Theory." Walzer has written about a variety of topics in political theory and moral philosophy, including political obligation and just and unjust war. Below are his thoughts on just war theory. 

Guiding Questions

  1. How does Walzer seem to define just war theory?
  2. Why does he suggest it makes sense to respond with violence to certain types of aggression?
  3. How does Walzer seem to define jus in bello?
  4. While Walzer only addresses the idea, what might be some "justice after war" arguments and challenges?
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The following are suggested responses to the guiding questions on Michael Walzer's thinking on Just War Theory.

  1. How does Walzer seem to define just war theory? Walzer describes just war theory as an ancient and ongoing discussion about the legitimate reasons governments have for engaging in war, offering justification for sending individuals into combat. Originating from various global traditions and strongly formulated within Catholic moral theology during the Middle Ages, it encompasses debates on the conditions under which war is justified (jus ad bellum) and the ethical conduct within war (jus in bello).
  2. Why does he suggest that it makes sense to respond with violence to certain types of aggression? Walzer suggests that violence is a justifiable response to acts of aggression, similar to self-defence against a mugger on a city street or in defence of victims of aggression. Furthermore, he extends justifiability to intervening in cases where a government is committing atrocities against its population, suggesting that stopping such massacres by force, if necessary, can be deemed just.
  3. How does Walzer seem to define jus in bello? Walzer defines jus in bello as the principles guiding just conduct within war, particularly protecting non-combatants and discriminating between combatants and non-combatants. The core of this concept is that war should be a conflict between combatants only, sparing civilians, medical personnel and other non-combatants from the violence of war.
  4. While Walzer only addresses the idea, what might be some "justice after war" arguments and challenges? Answers will vary 

Instructions: Read the lesson content and answer the guiding questions that follow the readings. To access the lesson content topics or sections below, click the “+” sign to expand the box and the “-” sign to close them.

Lesson Content

Justification for Violent Conflict

When studying peace and conflict, it's important to consider the legitimacy of violent conflict. Carrying out a violent act indiscriminately may result in legal and moral consequences. As a result, both individuals and states seek to provide legitimate reasons for why violent conflict is necessary. The primary focus of this discussion is “Just War Theory.” Just War Theory explores both reasons for entering a violent conflict and acceptable conduct within it.

Just War Theory

Central to this discussion is just war theory, which proposes criteria to morally justify warfare and ensure ethical conduct during war. The theory has roots in ancient thought, including Roman writers such as Cicero, and was significantly shaped by Christian theology, first by St. Augustine and later by St. Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Theologica. It distinguishes between the moral basis for going to war (jus ad bellum) and ethical conduct within war (jus in bello). Augustine and Aquinas were concerned mainly with when war could be justified, and ideas about how it should be fought were developed more fully by later thinkers. The Latin labels themselves are modern and only became standard in the twentieth century.

Jus ad bellum evaluates the morality behind the decision to initiate war, focusing on several key criteria:

  • Just Cause: Engaging in war requires a just cause or reason to engage in war. Self-defence is typically the most accepted justification. International law, under Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, prohibits states from using force against other states. However, the Charter allows two main exceptions. The first is Security Council authorization under Chapter VII (see Legitimate Authority below). The second is self-defence. Article 51 preserves "the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs." Collective self-defence means other states can come to the aid of a state that has been attacked, just as NATO members did when they invoked Article 5 of their treaty after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States.
  • Customary international law includes two conditions related to just cause two conditions:
    • Force used in self-defence must be necessary; there is no reasonable alternative
    • Force must be proportionate. Any force that is used must not go beyond what is needed to stop or repel the attack.
  • Legitimate Authority: War should be initiated only by a legitimate authority. An internationally acknowledged head of state usually qualifies as such an authority, but this notion is debated. What if the head of state is unstable, not democratically elected, or simply breaking international law? Moreover, the UN Security Council is vested with the power to identify and address threats to global peace, authorizing the use of force through resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
  • Just Intentions: States engaging in conflict must do so to uphold justice rather than advance their own or national interests. Assessing the motives behind war efforts poses a significant challenge, as does defining the pursuit of justice itself. Humanitarian interventions aimed at halting severe human rights abuses, like genocide, are often viewed as aligning with noble intentions. Nevertheless, the justification for intervening in other humanitarian situations remains contentious - is the intervention really being undertaken for humanitarian purposes, or are there neocolonial motives?

Later thinkers, including Vitoria, Suárez and Grotius, expanded the tradition with further criteria. 

  • Probability of Success: There needs to be a legitimate expectation of success in meeting the conflict's objectives. Given the intricate nature of warfare, accurately assessing the likelihood of success can be challenging.
  • Last Resort: Engaging in war should be considered only once all non-violent means have been thoroughly explored and deemed not viable. This raises the complex issue of defining what constitutes a "viable, peaceful alternative." Could warfare never be justified if another non-violent solution always exists? Would this be unreasonable?
  • Proportionality: The conflict's detrimental effects must not outweigh the anticipated benefits. Predicting the exact outcome in terms of harm versus benefit is often difficult, if not outright impossible, before the start of hostilities.

In the twentieth century, the tradition was revived in secular form by Michael Walzer, whose Just and Unjust Wars (1977), written partly in response to the Vietnam War, remains the most influential modern account of just war theory.

Jus in bello, or justice in war, focuses on ethical conduct during warfare. It emphasizes principles like distinction, where only combatants should be targeted, and proportionality, to avoid excessive force. These principles form the foundation of international humanitarian law, aiming to minimize war's impact on civilians and non-combatants.

These are the key elements of jus in bello:

  • The principle of distinction prohibits the targeting of civilians during war.
  • The principle of proportionality prohibits the use of excessive force in relation to the anticipated military advantage.
  • The principle of precaution requires combatants to take all possible precautions to avoid or minimize harm to civilians and non-combatants.
  • The protection of prisoners of war: prisoners of war must be treated humanely and not be subjected to torture or cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment.
  • Protection of medical personnel and facilities: Medical personnel and facilities must be protected and not targeted during the war.

The Basics of the Law of War 

  • The rules of war, or international humanitarian law (as it is known formally), are a set of international rules that outline what can and cannot be done during an armed conflict.
  • The main purpose of international humanitarian law (IHL) is to maintain some humanity in armed conflicts, save lives, and reduce suffering.
  • To do that, IHL regulates how wars are fought, balancing two aspects: weakening the enemy and limiting suffering.
  • The rules of war are universal. The Geneva Conventions (which are the core element of IHL) have been ratified by all 196 states. Very few international treaties have this level of support.
  • Everyone fighting a war needs to respect IHL, both governmental forces and non-state armed groups.
  • If the rules of war are broken, there are consequences. War crimes are documented and investigated by States and international courts. Individuals can be prosecuted for war crimes.

-  From the International Committee of the Red Cross

Watch the following video from the International Committee of the Red Cross on the laws of war and answer the prompt below.

Guiding Prompt:

Outline the rules of war jus in bello, as highlighted by this video from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). 

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Students may not come up with all of the following details in such a short video, but the following captures most of what is contained in the video regarding the rules of war: 

The rules of war, or jus in bello, as highlighted by the video from the International Committee of the Red Cross, are as follows:

1. Distinction: There must always be a clear distinction made between combatants who may be attacked and non-combatants who must be spared and protected. Targeting civilians is strictly prohibited and constitutes a war crime.

2. Protection of civilians: Civilians are never to be targeted, and all possible care must be taken to avoid harming them or destroying civilian objects essential for their survival. Civilians have a right to receive humanitarian assistance.

3. Treatment of detainees: The laws of war prohibit torture and other forms of ill-treatment of detainees. Regardless of their past, detainees must be provided with food, water, and the opportunity to communicate with their families. This ensures their dignity and survival.

4. Medical workers: Medical workers must be allowed to perform their duties without interference, and their safety must be guaranteed. They have the obligation to treat the sick and wounded without any adverse distinction, irrespective of their affiliation.

5. Sick and wounded: Individuals who are sick or wounded have the right to be cared for, regardless of which side of the conflict they belong to. This includes fighters from both sides.

6. Prohibition of Torture: Torture and inhumane treatment of detainees are strictly forbidden. Detainees should be treated humanely and with respect for their dignity.

You might also highlight to students that the laws of war have adapted to include limitations on the use of certain weapons and methods of warfare that do not distinguish between combatants and civilians. As technology advances, it is important that any new weapons or methods of warfare comply with the principles of distinction and proportionality.

An Overview of International Humanitarian Law from the ICRC

What is international humanitarian law?

International humanitarian law is a set of rules which seek, for humanitarian reasons, to limit the effects of armed conflict. It protects persons who are not or are no longer participating in the hostilities and restricts the means and methods of warfare. International humanitarian law is also known as the law of war or the law of armed conflict.

International humanitarian law is part of international law, which is the body of rules governing relations between States. International law is contained in agreements between States – treaties or conventions –, in customary rules, which consist of State practise considered by them as legally binding, and in general principles.

International humanitarian law applies to armed conflicts. It does not regulate whether a State may actually use force; this is governed by an important, but distinct, part of international law set out in the United Nations Charter.

Where did international humanitarian law originate?
International humanitarian law is rooted in the rules of ancient civilizations and religions – warfare has always been subject to certain principles and customs.

Universal codification of international humanitarian law began in the nineteenth century. Since then, States have agreed to a series of practical rules, based on the bitter experience of modern warfare. These rules strike a careful balance between humanitarian concerns and the military requirements of States.

As the international community has grown, an increasing number of States have contributed to the development of those rules. International humanitarian law forms today a universal body of law.

Where is international humanitarian law to be found?
A major part of international humanitarian law is contained in the four Geneva Conventions of 1949. Nearly every State in the world has agreed to be bound by them. The Conventions have been developed and supplemented by two further agreements: the Additional Protocols of 1977 relating to the protection of victims of armed conflicts.

Other agreements prohibit the use of certain weapons and military tactics and protect certain categories of people and goods. These agreements include:
the 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, plus its two protocols;

  • the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention;
  • the 1980 Conventional Weapons Convention and its five protocols;
  • the 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention;
  • the 1997 Ottawa Convention on anti-personnel mines;
  • the 2000 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict.

Many provisions of international humanitarian law are now accepted as customary law – that is, as general rules by which all States are bound.

When does international humanitarian law apply?
International humanitarian law applies only to armed conflict; it does not cover internal tensions or disturbances such as isolated acts of violence. The law applies only once a conflict has begun, and then equally to all sides regardless of who started the fighting.

International humanitarian law distinguishes between international and non-international armed conflict. International armed conflicts are those in which at least two States are involved. They are subject to a wide range of rules, including those set out in the four Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I.

Non-international armed conflicts are those restricted to the territory of a single State, involving either regular armed forces fighting groups of armed dissidents, or armed groups fighting each other. A more limited range of rules apply to internal armed conflicts and are laid down in Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions as well as in Additional Protocol II.

It is important to differentiate between international humanitarian law and human rights law. While some of their rules are similar, these two bodies of law have developed separately and are contained in different treaties. In particular, human rights law – unlike international humanitarian law – applies in peacetime, and many of its provisions may be suspended during an armed conflict.

What does international humanitarian law cover?
International humanitarian law covers two areas:

  • the protection of those who are not, or no longer, taking part in fighting;
  • restrictions on the means of warfare – in particular weapons – and the methods of warfare, such as military tactics.

Criticisms of Just War Theory

Although the 'just war' theory has significantly contributed to the field of peace and conflict studies, it faces several critiques. Initially, as mentioned in our analysis of jus ad bellum, the theory employs terms that are often ambiguous or poorly defined. Questions arise, such as whether the threat of an imminent attack justifies war, especially when the definition of 'imminent' varies widely.

Beyond these issues, scholars of realist international relations critique the theory for its idealistic view of global politics, which they argue is actually governed by power dynamics and the pursuit of national interests rather than ethical considerations of justice and fairness. This perspective suggests that just war theory does not accurately mirror the real-world decision-making process regarding war and peace.

Pacifists also challenge the theory, arguing that it can be misused to legitimize violence under so-called moral justifications (more on pacifism during our nonviolent conflict topic). Additionally, feminist and intersectional scholars point out that just war theory often fails to account for the specific impacts of war on women, children, and other marginalized groups. They advocate for a deeper examination of war's diverse effects on different communities before determining what constitutes a just cause or proper conduct in warfare.

Practically speaking, just war theory faces criticism for its state-centric focus at a time when non-state actors, civil conflicts, and guerrilla warfare are prevalent. The advent of unconventional warfare methods has created a lack of clarity in the distinctions between combatants and non-combatants that just war theory relies upon. This raises questions about its applicability in current contexts. For example, whether a cyberattack that disrupts infrastructure without causing direct fatalities qualifies as a 'just cause' remains debatable.

Finally, there is growing interest in the concept of jus post bellum, or justice after war, which includes considerations such as war crime tribunals, reconstruction efforts, and reconciliation processes. This shift suggests the need for a broader understanding of justice that extends beyond the traditional confines of just war theory to include the aftermath of conflict.

Justifications Rooted in Religion

Though 'just war' theory has origins in theological thought, it isn't primarily framed around religious beliefs. Nonetheless, religious reasons, often entwined with political, economic, or territorial motivations, have provided grounds for conflict.

Certain faiths believe that divine or spiritual mandates compel them to engage in warfare, either to combat enemies or to protect religious adherents from persecution or threats because of their religious practices. Such beliefs have underpinned conflicts aimed at religious minorities or individuals seen as adversaries to particular faiths.

Additionally, conflicts have been initiated to preserve a community's religious sanctity or to counter doctrines at odds with those of religious leaders. Disputes over land, structures, or relics deemed holy or essential to a religious tradition have also sparked wars fought to safeguard or retrieve these revered sites.

It is important to acknowledge that these religious justifications, while present, typically do not reflect the predominant sentiments within any given religious community. Most religious traditions advocate for peace and reconciliation. It is often the case that the use of war to further religious ends is more often influenced by political ambitions than by religion alone.

Cultural Justifications

The foundations for war often stem from deep-seated cultural reasons that may intersect with religious motives. Like religious justifications, it is important to recognize that although cultural rationales emerge from specific cultural contexts, they shouldn't be understood as the views of any single culture as a whole.

Historical grievances, such as previous injustices, invasions, or colonialism, are common cultural grounds for conflict. Leaders can leverage such events to rally support for military endeavours. They frame them as necessary for vengeance or reclaiming lost territories. Cultural stories also play a significant role in escalating disputes over territories, especially when these areas hold cultural, historical, or religious importance.

Similar to religious motivations, a culture under the impression that its identity or core values are under threat might embrace warfare as a protective measure. Alternatively, efforts to disseminate cultural norms and values outside a state's borders can justify military interventions to propagate these cultural beliefs to other societies.

Obama and Just War Theory

Read this excerpt as an introduction to Obama's speech on Just War Theory. It is from Samantha Power's book, The Education of an Idealist, where she describes Obama's preparation for his Nobel Peace Prize speech while she was his Special Assistant and Senior Director for Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights. She would later be appointed as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations.

Despite my enthusiasm for my job, when I got up each morning I did not look forward to opening the emails and alerts that had come in overnight, describing a coup, massacre, terrorist attack, or natural disaster happening
somewhere in the world.

In October of 2009, I awoke to a very different form of bad news: Barack Obama had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Less than a year into his presidency, Obama was receiving an award previously bestowed on Nelson
Mandela, Mother Teresa, and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

When I relayed the news to Cass, he looked stricken, as if I had told him someone we knew had fallen ill. The choice seemed wildly premature, as well as a gift to Obama’s critics, who delighted in painting him as a cosmopolitan celebrity detached from the concerns of working-class Americans. But there was no getting around it: come December of 2009, Obama would travel to Norway to accept the most prestigious prize in the world.

Jon Favreau and Ben Rhodes, Obama’s two gifted speechwriters, took on the difficult task of drafting the Nobel address. I popped into Jon’s tiny office on the first floor of the West Wing, and he told me that the President had decided to directly confront the awkwardness of receiving the prize so early in his presidency. He also wanted to frame the speech around the more profound irony of winning a peace prize at the very time he was deploying 30,000 additional soldiers to Afghanistan, augmenting the force of over 67,000 US troops already there.

This could be Obama’s most important speech yet, I thought, as my mind lit up with a million ideas about how he could use it to meditate on profound questions of war and peace, modern-day evil, and the ethics of responsibility. The following day, I set my alarm for four a.m., fed Declan, and then sat down at my home computer to work. I grabbed books from my shelf on the modern history of efforts to regulate warfare. I dug into the writings of the American theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, whom I had first read in law school in the class about the political and moral criteria for using force. And over the course of a few hours, I wrote a detailed memo that offered thoughts on how the President could use “just war theory” as a frame to explain his vision for what he called “our common security, common humanity.” This was the most animated and assured I could remember feeling since I entered government.

I emailed my lengthy memo on warfare and morality to Jon and Ben, who, with time expiring, were too immersed in drafting the speech to look at it. Determined to get a hearing for my ideas, I brought the memo to Denis, who initially agreed to give it to Obama, but then, after I had checked on its status multiple times, informed me that the President was immersed in finalizing his decision on the new Afghanistan strategy. He would not have time to read it.

I subsequently took to carrying a copy of the memo around, wondering how I could get past the gatekeepers to the one person I thought might appreciate it. Then, in a stroke of fortune, just a few days before the speech, Obama’s motorcade pulled up as I was exiting the West Wing. When he stepped out of his limousine, he saw me and shouted over the heads of the Secret Service, “We need to talk.”

The day before he was scheduled to fly to Oslo, Obama summoned me to the Oval and described the outlines of the address he wanted to give. “I have the clay. I can see in it the shape of what I’m trying to do,” he said. “But I
just may not have enough time to execute.”

As he spoke, I interrupted excitedly with thoughts, which he then riffed off. I felt like nothing had changed since the Senate days when we first discussed books and ideas. After forty-five minutes, he was given a note saying he needed to wrap up. I handed him the memo I had prepared, which included a history of humanitarianism, an account of the relationship between human rights and conflict, and thoughts on violence from Hume, Kant, Martin Luther King, Jr., Niebuhr, and Henry Dunant, the founder of the International Committee for the Red Cross.

Obama stayed up through the night, starting a new speech from scratch and developing an elaborate, deeply original, handwritten draft on a yellow legal pad. In the morning, he called Jon, Ben, and me into the Oval to walk us through what he had done. The President had produced a piece of rhetoric that embraced contradictions that most politicians blew past. He rejected pacifism in the face of evil and aggression; at the same time, he insisted that while soldiers could achieve great glory, “war itself is never glorious.” He criticized the “reflexive suspicion” toward the United States and the use of military force prevalent in Europe, defending America’s record in underwriting the global order and the modern-day peace in Germany, Korea, and the Balkans.

“I understand why war is not popular,” Obama had written. “But I also know this: the belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility.”

As we walked out of the Oval, Obama put his hand on my shoulder and said, “We may just have to bring you along as a stowaway.” Within an hour, I had received a formal invitation to fly on Air Force One. I raced home, packed a suitcase, and kissed Declan goodbye, calling Cass from a cab on the way to the airport to tell him that I was on my way to Norway.

Jon, Ben, Denis, David Axelrod, and I worked through the night in the airplane conference room. The President, dressed in a golf shirt and khakis, wandered in and out with his handwritten edits as we each tried to reconcile the core tensions inherent in his argument. It did not seem ideal that Obama was pulling what appeared to be his second consecutive all-nighter, so we were relieved when he retired for a few hours of sleep. When he awoke, he dove back into the speech, refining it until Denis told him he had to let it go.

An hour later, I sat in Oslo City Hall along with around a thousand others and listened to Obama deliver his Nobel address.

As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King’s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there’s nothing weak—nothing passive— nothing naive—in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al-Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism—it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

He rejected the false choice between realism and idealism, saying:

The crowd was taut with concentration until the very end, but once Obama finished, people erupted into sustained applause. Barack Obama was the only President in my lifetime capable of such an address. New York Times columnist David Brooks wrote, “The Oslo speech was the most profound of his presidency, and maybe his life.” Even
predictable Republican critics of the President praised it, including Newt Gingrich and Sarah Palin.

On the plane home, I reflected on all that had conspired to produce the speech—not only Obama’s willingness to confront big, hard questions, and clarifying thinking from people who lived long ago, but also bureaucratic gridlock and a chance encounter. The drafting process had been a tightrope walk, but it had come together beautifully.

Guiding Questions

  1. What issues of legitimacy does Obama believe states need to think about when considering war?
  2. What role does Obama believe self-defence should play in war?
  3. What other arguments did he suggest would be just reasons to go to war?
  4. What was Obama's view on jus in bello or just action during war?
  5. Why does he think just behaviour during war is important for nations considering war (besides the obvious reasons - not hurting people)?
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The following are possible answers to the guiding questions from Obama's speech.

1. What issues of legitimacy does Obama believe states need to think about when considering war? Obama believes that for war to be legitimate, it should be waged as a last resort or in self-defence, the force used must be proportional, and civilians should be spared from violence whenever possible. He also emphasizes the importance of adhering to international norms and laws to maintain the legitimacy of future interventions.

2. What role does Obama believe self-defence should play in war? Obama views self-defence as a fundamental justification for war, suggesting that it is one of the key conditions under which the use of force can be considered legitimate.

3. What other arguments did he suggest would be just reasons to go to war? Besides self-defence, Obama argues that humanitarian grounds can justify war, as demonstrated in the Balkans and other conflict-ridden areas. He suggests that the need to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their government or to stop civil wars causing widespread violence and suffering can legitimize military action.

4. What was Obama's view on jus in bello or just action during war? Obama believes in adhering to certain rules of conduct during war, such as the principles outlined in the Geneva Conventions. He stresses the importance of conducting war in a proportional manner, discriminating between combatants and non-combatants, and involves taking precautions to minimize harm to civilians.

5. Why does he think just behaviour during war is important for nations considering war (besides the obvious reasons - not hurting people)? Obama discusses the strategic and moral interest in binding the U.S. and its actions to international norms and laws. He claims that upholding these standards in the conduct of war differentiates the U.S. from its adversaries. Adhering to these rules also preserves the legitimacy of U.S. actions and maintains the ideals that underpin American values and democracy.

Applying Your Knowledge / Global Politics in Action / Checking for Understanding

Applying “Just War Theory” to Your Case

  1. Review all of the elements of jus ad bellum and jus in bello and apply them to the case you have been studying.
  2. Does international humanitarian law apply to your case? If not, why not? If so, which elements and why?
  3. Consider the criticisms of just war theory. In what ways are those criticisms evident in the case of the conflict you are studying?
  4. Review the sections on religious and cultural justifications for conflict. Are any of these justifications relevant to your case?

The New York Times' "Visual Investigations" has done several investigations into war crimes. The following video is related to the incident in Bucha, Ukraine, in 2022. Viewer discretion is very much advised. For additional examples, check out their website HERE. 

Guiding Question:

Review the reading of the lesson content. What aspects of international humanitarian law have been violated in this incident?


In her August 2021 article in The Atlantic, "Liberal Democracy Is Worth a Fight," Anne Applebaum argues that violence is sometimes justified.

Guiding Question

According to Anne Applebaum, why does she believe that sometimes violent intervention is needed? She raises several arguments that opponents to her position offer. What are they, and why does she dismiss them?

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The following is an overview of her arguments and possible student responses:

Anne Applebaum argues that violent intervention is sometimes necessary to counteract violent extremists and prevent them from establishing autocratic states. She dismisses opposition arguments based on several points:

Arguments against using violence:

  • Opponents often claim conflicts cannot be resolved militarily, advocating for peaceful solutions, dialogue, and negotiation.
  • Critics argue against military interventions due to their moral implications and financial burdens.
  • Some believe that cultural exchanges and diplomatic talks can resolve conflicts without violence.
  • There is a notion that expressing solidarity, even without physical presence or action, can support affected populations.

Applebaum dismisses these arguments because:

  • These approaches are ineffective against violent extremists who only understand and respond to military force.
  • Applebaum points to cases like Afghanistan, where the Taliban could only be countered through military means.
  • She argues that military bases and interventions in strategic locations are necessary to prevent extremists from gaining power.
  • She suggests that opponents idealistically hope for peaceful solutions in situations where such outcomes are unrealistic.
  • Ignoring the need for military action in some scenarios overlooks the real threat posed by violent groups to liberal democracies and global peace.
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